Despite low levels (<30%) of the popular vote, the Parti Quebecois as led by Paul St.-Pierre Plamondon, is looking at a very small majority, largely due to vote splits from the other parties and the inability of any of them to form a strong province-wide opposition to the separatist PQ Party. Their vote is the most efficient, in many cases taking ridings on 2 or 3 way splits of the non-PQ vote. Reminiscent of 1994, where the PQ was expected to win, ended up with a strong majority but only tied the Liberals in popular vote.
Liberals, projected to be Official Opposition, look to improve on their popular vote total, strengthen their hold on traditional Liberal ridings in and around Montreal, but do not look to make significant gains outside of their urban base
Quebec Solidaire, while declining in vote share, manages to hang on to more than half of their seats from 2022, and continue to be a force in urban areas of the province
The Conservatives, looking to make gains for the first time since the Union Nationale last won seats in 1976, are expected to do well in the Quebec City region and central parts of the province, more or less aligned to those areas where the federal Conservatives hold ridings
The governing CAQ suffers a devasting defeat, (as has been expected for the last several years), although they are not wiped out (as has been predicted by multiple pundits), managing to salvage representation in the Mauricie areas
All main party leaders are expected to win the seats they are running for
The most likely outcome, (unless the PQ can expand their majority through by-elections or defections from other parties, which PM Carney has successfully done to achieve a majority in Ottawa), would be an election call in less than 4 years’ time to seek a stronger mandate in the National Assembly
Caution should be used in extrapolating support for an independence referendum. A strong majority of Quebecois, per recent polling, remain opposed to independence. The federal Liberal Party continues to poll strongly in the province. The PQ win is more to replace the current (very unpopular) government and is similar to their wins in 1976 and 1994, where the campaign was more about good governance
Finally, it should be noted that should the PQ form a majority government with less than 33% of the vote, that (as best as I have researched) would be a record low percentage of the popular vote tied to an overall seat majority. The previous record holder for a majority government with low popular vote was the UK General Election in 2024, with Labour getting a strong majority with only 33.7% of the popular vote, (again, profiting from vote splits not dissimilar to Quebec this year). The previously record in Quebec for lowest popular vote tied to a majority was in 2018, where 37.4% was enough for then-Premier Francois Legault to form a robust majority government of 74 seats.
While no other party is expected to come close to forming a government in Quebec this year (assuming the polls are at least somewhat accurate), I would put the odds of a PQ majority vs. minority are 60%-40%, respectively, reflecting the tight margins in many of the individual races. I would give the second-place Liberals a 95% chance of forming the Official Opposition.
Malgré de faibles niveaux d’appuis sous la barre des 30 % du vote populaire, le Parti Québécois mené par Paul St-Pierre Plamondon s’aligne vers une très mince majorité. Cela s’explique en grande partie par le fractionnement des votes chez les autres partis et l’incapacité de quiconque à former une opposition solide à l’échelle provinciale face aux indépendantistes du PQ. Le vote péquiste s’avère des plus efficaces, le parti remportant de nombreuses circonscriptions grâce à des luttes à deux ou trois candidats qui divisent le vote non-PQ. La situation rappelle celle de 1994, où le PQ, favori, avait finalement obtenu une forte majorité de sièges tout en arrivant à égalité avec les Libéraux au chapitre du vote populaire.
Le Parti libéral, projeté comme opposition officielle, cherche à améliorer son score au vote populaire et à consolider ses acquis dans ses fiefs traditionnels de la région de Montréal, mais ne semble pas en voie de faire des gains importants à l’extérieur de sa base urbaine.
Québec solidaire, malgré une baisse de sa part des voix, réussit à conserver plus de la moitié de ses sièges de 2022 et continue de s’imposer comme une force politique dans les centres urbains de la province.
Le Parti conservateur, qui tente de remporter des sièges pour la première fois depuis les victoires de l’Union Nationale en 1976, devrait obtenir de bons résultats dans la région de la capital nationale et le centre de la province. Ces gains correspondent plus ou moins aux secteurs où les conservateurs fédéraux détiennent actuellement des circonscriptions.
La CAQ, actuellement au pouvoir, subit une défaite dévastatrice (attendue depuis plusieurs années déjà). Elle n’est toutefois pas rayée de la carte comme le prédisaient plusieurs experts, réussissant à sauver les meubles avec une représentation dans la région de la Mauricie.
Tous les chefs des principaux partis devraient remporter la circonscription dans laquelle ils se présentent.
Le scénario le plus probable (à moins que le PQ n’élargisse sa majorité par le biais d’élections partielles ou de transfuges d’autres partis, une stratégie que le premier ministre Carney a employée avec succès pour obtenir une majorité à Ottawa) serait le déclenchement d’élections en moins de quatre ans afin de solliciter un mandat plus fort à l’Assemblée nationale.
Il convient de rester prudent avant d’extrapoler ces résultats sur l’appui à un référendum d’indépendance. Selon les derniers sondages, une nette majorité de Québécois demeure opposée à la souveraineté. De plus, le Parti libéral fédéral continue de récolter de bons scores dans la province. La victoire du PQ s’apparente davantage à un désir de remplacer un gouvernement actuel très impopulaire, s’inscrivant dans la lignée de ses victoires de 1976 et 1994, où la campagne électorale tournait principalement autour du thème de la bonne gouvernance.
Enfin, il est à noter que si le PQ venait à former un gouvernement majoritaire avec moins de 33 % des voix, cela constituerait (selon mes recherches) le plus bas pourcentage du vote populaire de l’histoire lié à une majorité absolue de sièges. Le précédent record pour un gouvernement majoritaire élu avec un faible vote populaire appartenait aux élections générales britanniques de 2024, où Labour avaient décroché une solide majorité avec seulement 33,7 % des voix (profitant là aussi d’une division des votes similaire à celle du Québec cette année). Au Québec, le record du plus bas pourcentage pour une majorité était détenu depuis 2018 par le premier ministre de l’époque, François Legault, alors que 37,4 % des voix avaient suffi pour former un gouvernement majoritaire robuste de 74 sièges.
Bien qu’aucun autre parti ne soit pressenti pour s’approcher du pouvoir au Québec cette année (en supposant que les sondages soient un tant soit peu précis), j’évaluerais les probabilités d’une majorité péquiste par rapport à un gouvernement minoritaire à 60 % contre 40 %, ce qui traduit les marges très serrées dans plusieurs luttes locales. J’accorde aux libéraux, en deuxième place, une probabilité de 95 % de former l’opposition officielle.
Please see ericvotes X account for predictions posted before polls closed – Michigan; New Jersey; New York; North Carolina; Pennsylvania; Texas; Virginia – all listed again in above spreadsheet.
Yukon Party expected to take 49% of vote and 16 seats, a strong majority and highest vote percentage yet of any political party in any territorial election
New Democrats expected to form Official Opposition with 33% of vote and 5 seats
Liberals likely to be wiped off the electoral map, with only 17% of vote, their best chance of holding a seat is likely their one incumbent running for re-election, Speaker Jeremy Harper in Mayo-Tatchun
***
When predicting riding races where geography looms large, (some ridings larger than some U.S. states) but at the same time where the entire riding population might fit into your average city block or subdivision, and I am making these predictions more than 3,000 miles from Whitehorse, it goes without saying that I make no claim to understanding the local community dynamics, the various personalities, local issues and related factors that might run deeper than political affiliations and potentially cause any number of my race projections to end up being wrong.
That said, Yukon is the only one of Canada’s three territories with multi-party races, having done so since 1978, this being the 13th such vote featuring three main parties. (There is also a plebiscite being held on ranked voting today, which if anything might further entrench partisan dynamics if it passes. Also worth noting that in other cases where Canadian jurisdictions have proposed alternatives to first-past-the-post, these initiatives have in all cases failed, usually by fairly decisive margins.)
At any rate, Yukon is growing and is close to reaching 50,000 residents, which might further increase the impact of territorial partisan dynamics over more localized issues and personalities. This election would seem to me to be an opportune time to evaluate whether the territory is moving more towards partisan swings or if more of Yukon politics remains heavily influenced by localized factors irrespective of party. As such, my model applies a largely universal swing across the ridings (with minimal modification for incumbency, leaders, some urban/rural crosstabs with the limited polling we’ve had) and when the results become known, I can compare and contrast predicted swings with actual vote swings.
I always maintain that there are many (seemingly infinite) variables in races, that more uniform swings can occur one year and then whatever formula used is upended at some point down the line (see Alan Lichtman, Keys to the Presidency model in U.S., 2024 for one of the best examples – but needing more a fine tuning than a complete overhaul, imho). Models are usually quite imperfect but try to replicate the substance of what is driving the outcome. So there could be a direct relation between swings and partisan dynamics, but in some cases, especially when your electorate is smaller in number, coincidences can’t be ruled out and it is not always clear if partisan dynamics are driving the end result or some other factor is driving partisan dynamics.
In any event, while I stand by these predictions (for the purposes of being rated on my forecasting abilities), I strongly doubt that all 21 Yukon ridings are going to have the same swing. While I think conventional opinion on the outcome stands a good chance of being proven right (Liberals decimated, Yukon Party a strong majority, NDP largely holds their own), there is a certain sense of humility on my part not only that I simply don’t know, but can’t even begin to know, all the localized dynamics in play.
All the same, hypothesizing about swings, partisan shifts along with more data points and actual results is bound to shed more light on any changing partisan dynamics of Yukon. From the standpoint of psephology (the study of elections), that is a win for the pundits, even the ones more than 3,000 miles away from all the action.
* Polling is variable, Liberal lead is, depending on the poll, anywhere from +3 to +20, surveys all conducted around the same time
I am giving the Liberals a +4% lead, given that the last election had them at +10%, they have been in power for 10 years, and while Premier John Hogan has not been leader long, tenure generally runs about 3-4 mandates between the two main parties (excepting Premier Smallwood’s very long tenure at the beginning on Newfoundland provincial elections)
The main fight for ridings appears to be around the St. John’s area/Avalon Peninsula. Most of the rural areas, while certainly capable of larger swings than reflected in the overall provincial popular vote, are likely not to change hands, especially if polling remains overall comparable to 2021.
Liberals – expected to hold Mount Scio; St. John’s West; Virginia Waters – Pleasantville; Waterford Valley and Windsor Lake (Premier’s riding, former PC Leader Ches Crosbie’s riding which he lost to Hogan back in 2021) in the St. John’s city proper area. In the wider metro area expected to hold Conception Bay East – Bell Island (albeit narrowly); in the Avalon Peninsula overall should be able to hold off PC challenges in Carbonear – Trinity – Baie de Verde and Habour Grace – Port de Grave. Expected to retain Burin – Grand Bank in eastern Newfoundland, Fogo Island – Cape Freels; Fortune Bay – Cape La Hune; Gander and Lewisporte – Twillingate in Central Newfoundland. In western Newfoundland expected to retain Burgeo – La Poile; Corner Brook; Humber – Gros Morne; a squeaker in St. Barbe – L’Anse aux Meadows and more convincingly to hold St. George’s – Humber. Finally, in Labrador – should be able to hang onto Cartwright – L’Anse au Clair.
Progressive Conservatives under Tony Wakeham – no gains expected in St. John’s proper, however an outside chance of picking up their former interim leader David Brazil’s nearby riding of Conception Bay East – Bell Island, currently held by cabinet minister and Liberal Fred Hutton. Should be able to hang onto Cape St. Francis; Conception Bay South; and Topsail Paradise. The PCs are likely to flip Mount Pearl North, further out on the Avalon they are also expected to flip Placentia – St. Mary’s in addition to retaining Ferryland and Habour Main. Eastern Newfoundland is expected to return the PCs in Bonavista, Placentia West – Bellevue and Terra Nova, ridings they currently hold. Central Newfoundland is likely to return PCs in Exploits and Grand Falls – Windsor – Buchans, they are also expected to retain Baie Verte – Green Bay, if more narrowly, a riding they won in a by-election in the last Assembly. On the western side of the island, Wakeham is expected to have little difficulty retaining Stephenville – Port au Port, along with a strong second in St. Barbe – L’Anse aux Meadows. In Labrador Lela Evans should hang onto Torngat Mountains for the PCs, (after changing affiliations to the NDP and then rejoining them); they are likely expected to pick up Lake Melville with former MHA Keith Russell, after sometime Liberal/Independent Perry Trimper is not running again for the riding he has held since 2015.
The NDP traditionally do best in St. John’s, where leader Jim Dinn retains St. John’s Centre. Their best chance of a pickup is in former leader Allison Coffin’s riding of St. John’s East – Quidi Vidi, last held by the Liberals but now defending an open seat. Labrador West is an open seat riding the NDP are defending, with municipal politician Shazia Razi hoping to replace outgoing MHA Jordan Brown.
The last 2 elections had a relatively large number of independent MHAs, two incumbents are running again, both having won their ridings by large margins in the last election – Paul Lane in Mount Pearl – Southlands near St. John’s, and Eddie Joyce in Humber – Bay of Islands, and both expected to win again this election as well.
Theretically the PCs do have a shot at winning – they would need to win in ridings like Conception Bay East – Bell Island and probably the Premier’s riding of WIndsor Lake, if not St. Barbe – L’Anse aux Medows before they win a plurality of seats. Ridings such as St. John’s West, Labrador West and St. George’s – Humber would likely fiture in a majority PC government. The Liberals, to retain a majority, would need to retain all the ridings they currently held, or did hold in the last assembly. Outside chances of expanding their majority would likely include winning back Lake Melville and Baie Verte – Green Bay while retaining St. John’s East – Quidi Vidi. In the less likely event that the two independent MHAs expected to retain their seats should rejoin the Liberals, that would be the strongest majority they had since Dwight Ball’s win nearly 10 years ago.
Despite a near tie in the popular vote, Liberals expected to gain seats and form either a small majority or strong minority government, aided by a fairly efficient vote in Eastern Canada and gains in Quebec and British Columbia. The Conservatives, despite improving on their vote share, have a more concentrated vote in Western Canada, and less seats as a result. The New Democratic Party stands to lose official party status (12 seats minimum), as the vote coalesces around the two major parties. The Bloc is expected to see a reduction in seat count. Turnout is expected to be higher, closer to 70%, which would be one of the largest turnouts since the late 1980s.
Ford to be returned with majority, Official Opposition status continues to elude Liberals with less voter efficiency than NDP
David Peterson must be envious, Ford beat him by a handful of months in asking for an early election, 1990 vs. 2025, and the momentum is markedly different than those (for the time) turbulent dog days of summer in 1990 where ‘the writing was on the wall’ for Peterson’s defeat.
Ford’s clear call to defend Ontario against possible economic and political adversity, (or, depending on how one looks at it – the winter weather, low engagement) is translating to slightly higher polling numbers than was the case in 2022. While the Liberals appear to have returned to a discernible second in the popular vote, the NDP appear poised to retain the mantle of Official Opposition despite losing support over 2018 and 2022. Their support is more concentrated in parts of urban South Central Ontario (Hamilton, London, etc.), downtown Toronto and Northern Ontario than the Liberals, who are well ahead of the NDP in the 905, but scarcely in a position to flip any seats across Halton, Peel, York and Durham.
Here’s a summary of the seats to watch, starting with Windsor and moving towards Kenora.
Southwestern Ontario (London – Sarnia – Windsor) PCs well ahead in rural areas, NDP expected to retain London as discernible opposition to Ford, plus incumbency advantages … Windsor – Tecumseth remains blue, Liberal dropping out in Windsor West makes this a tight PC-NDP race with NDP’s Lisa Gretzky expected to pull out a narrow win (cousin-in-law of the famous hockey player).
Moving up the 401 – Midwestern Ontario including Kitchener-Waterloo and Guelph. Greens retain two ridings of Kitchener Centre and Guelph with advantages of incumbency, and (recent) voting history that supports both progressive and green candidacies. Rural and suburban areas expected to remain blue, except for the independent Bobby Ann Brady holding onto Haldimand – Norfolk. Waterloo remains NDP with veteran MPP Catherine Fife.
Turning onto the 403 and QEW – Hamilton and Niagara. Some close races expected in this region. NDP support erodes in Hamilton but expected to mostly retain the ridings they currently hold, with exception being Hamilton Centre where the contentious expulsion of current incumbent Sarah Jama from the NDP’s caucus is expected to cost them this seat, with the Liberals predicted to eke out a narrow win. Hamilton East – Stoney Creek is expected to remain blue; Hamilton Mountain is open after the NDP incumbent, Monique Taylor, is stepping down, which might be keenly contested with the Liberals, as is the more suburban Hamilton West – Ancaster – Dundas between the NDP and PCs.
Niagara will see the central ridings of St. Catharines and Niagara Centre (Welland) closely contested between the PCs and NDP (currently have the NDP incumbents narrowly retaining both, but barely), while the Niagara Falls and Niagara West (Lincoln) ridings remain reliably orange and blue, respectively. Both St. Catharines and Niagara Centre last voted PC in the 1970s, if the PCs flip either riding this means both a continued realignment with blue collar ridings trending PC and a stronger super majority for Ford than in 2022.
Over the Burlington Skyway – onto Halton and Peel. Halton is expected to remain blue in all four ridings. A straight swing might suggest these are close over 2022, but these could end up being comfortable wins in all cases. With Peel the Brampton portion is expected to remain solidly blue with the advantages of incumbency. Mississauga is expected to vote (nearly) as a block (as it usually does), although I am projecting Liberal leader Bonnie Crombie to narrowly pick up the open Mississauga East – Cooksville seat and with her name recognition as former Mayor and MPP, resulting in close races elsewhere, particular the Streetsville and Erin Mills ridings (Streetsville being her former federal seat).
Continuing on the QEW and Gardiner Expressway – Etobicoke, Old City of York, Old City of Toronto … the Liberals are expected to retain the Beaches riding and might see some red vs. orange contests with Toronto Centre, Toronto-St. Paul’s, University-Rosedale, and Humber River-Black Creek. If the NDP decline in support is fairly uniform in swinging towards the Liberals, the Humber River – Black Creek and St. Paul’s ridings flip red, despite the NDP incumbency advantages. The former York West (HR-BC) riding has a strong Liberal voting history, and the Liberals have a particularly strong candidate in St. Paul’s with journalist Stephanie Smyth. York South – Weston will be another race to watch, blue vs. orange with former NDP MPP Faisal Hasson attempting to win back his old seat which he lost to the Premier’s nephew, Michael Ford, in 2022 (and who subsequently opted not to run again in this election).
Taking a jog on the Don Valley Parkway/401 to North York and Scarborough. The Liberals are expected to hold onto their Don Valley East and West seats, the independent candidacy of current incumbent MPP (former PC) Vincent Ke might cost the PCs Don Valley North. The NDP dropping out of the (formerly PC) now open seat of Eglinton – Lawrence is expected to further help the Liberals in that riding, which is arguably the easiest seat for them to gain on a modest swing. Willowdale is expected to be close but with incumbent PC MPP, (and Tourism Minister) Stan Cho keeping the riding blue. The more suburban Scarborough seats – Agincourt, North, Rouge Park are expected to remain comfortably within the PC fold. Guildwood looks to remain a solid win for the Liberals, as is Southwest for the NDP. Centre will be close but with PC MPP David Smith likely to narrowly retain his riding.
Staying on the 401 (or getting back on the QEW, depending on traffic) – over to Durham. The PCs are expected to retain their seats immediately east of Toronto, with the closet race being in Ajax but remaining blue. The race to watch is Oshawa – NDP MPP Jennifer French, if the downward swing in NDP support is replicated here, is likely to lose this seat to the previous PC MPP for the riding, Jerry Ouelette.
Back west on the 401 to 400 or the 407 – York Region. All 9 ridings expected to remain PC, comfortably. Outside of the southern rural sections of the province (any rural areas south of North Bay), this is the strongest (more suburban/exurban) region in the province for the PCs.
Further up the 401, jogging west on 26 to Owen Sound and then back east to Orillia, highway 11, looping around Lake Simcoe on highway 12 and taking 7 over to Peterborough – Central Ontario. Ten largely rural ridings remaining comfortably PC, with the possible exception of Peterborough -Kawartha (closer but still blue). Barrie – Springwater – Oro – Medonte will be shaded a darker blue after Barrie’s second iteration of a popular mayor unsuccessfully seeking election as a Liberal to higher parliamentary office (Jeff Lehman, provincially in 2022, the first being Janice Laking, federally, 1993) is not on the ballot this year.
Getting back on the 401 towards Ottawa and Quebec – Eastern Ontario. Apart from Liberal Kingston, all other ridings are expectedly to remain comfortably PC except for the strong francophone Glengarry – Prescott – Russell seat, which is predicted to be a narrower PC win.
Taking the 417 towards Ottawa … A few closely contested races with all three parties in contention for at least some of the ridings. Carleton is expected to remain in the PC column, Nepean has strong potential for a Liberal pickup after former PC MPP, Lise MacLeod opted not to run this year. Kanata Carleton is expected to be particularly close with Liberal MPP (and former MP) Karen McCrimmon narrowly hanging on after winning this seat in a byelection in 2023. Ottawa West – Nepean is also anticipated to be a close riding, with Chandra Pasma of the NDP expected to narrowly retain this riding after defeating the PC incumbent in 2022. Joel Harden, the NDP MPP for Ottawa Centre, is not running, the open seat will likely remain in NDP hands with former mayoral candidate Catherine McKenney winning the roughly same area in 2022’s respectable second place finish for the city’s top elected spot.
Back west with 417/17 and 60 to Muskoka, then north on 11. Northeastern Ontario. (The debate continues as to whether Muskoka is “Near North” or “North.”) Regardless of how one thinks Muskoka should be classified, Graydon Smith is likely to keep the riding for the PCs by a bigger margin than in 2022 when Matt Richter almost pulled off an upset for the Greens. This year a Liberal candidate is in fact running, which will divide the non-PC vote. Despite being non-traditional PC ridings, Timmins, and Sault Ste. Marie (the latter being open) are expected to remain blue. With Michael Mantha, incumbent MPP and formerly NDP, running in Algoma – Manitoulin, this might play spoiler for the NDP’s hopes to keep the riding. Timiskaming – Cochrane is also expected to be close, with veteran NDP MPP John Vanthof narrowly hanging on in a rural riding seen as more amendable to blue trends such as seen in Timmins, Kenora and Sault Ste. Marie.
Keeping on 11 (or 17), going west towards Manitoba – Northwest Ontario and (partly in another time zone) … the main races here are in Thunder Bay. Kevin Holland, PC MPP for TB – Atikokan, will likely have an easier time retaining his riding than Lise Vaugeois, in TB – Superior North, a former Liberal stronghold held by Michael Gravelle. The Liberal candidate running this time courted some controversy with prior remarks on social media made some years earlier, and while Brian Hamilton, currently a city councilor, has since apologized for those remarks, it remains to be seen if this negative publicity proves pivotal in a toss up race.
So, in sum, solid PC win, Liberals likely to claim official party status but, suffering from less voting efficiency that the NDP, wider but not as deep, continue to remain in third place. Depending on economic and political conditions in the future, Ford may opt not to run for a fourth term, and history has clearly shown that third parties can potentially leap into first place (think Justin Trudeau and the federal Liberals, between 2011 and 2015), although third place might not be enough for Bonnie Crombie to retain her job.
It so happens that 142 years ago to the day there was another provincial election held in Ontario, where Premier Oliver Mowat (L) was re-elected to a third term (out of 6 consecutive election wins). While it seems doubtful that any first minister in Canada today could win 6 consecutive terms, (something that has never been replicated since in the province), a third term (also) for Ford shows some indications of political stability, the possibility of a return to longer tenures which the province hasn’t seen since the end of 42-consecutive years of PC rule in 1985. One can certainly argue, though, that the third consecutive PC majority, (first third consecutive majority since booming post war 1951 (counting forward by party, or 1959, if considering 3rd term by individual Premier), out of 8 consecutive majorities by that party in total during the post war years) is actually a function of external volatility (i.e., Ontarioans see Ford as a strong leader equal to the current challenges) and that on the turn of a dime, the political currents beneath the surface, as shown in close races and ongoing realignments at the riding level, could result in more top level political volatility in the province in the years ahead.
** Correction – the original blog post incorrectly stated that St. Catharines last voted PC in 1971 … it was actually 1975. The Welland riding (now Niagara Centre) last voted PC in 1971 as originally stated.
PCs on track for a super majority government of 44 seats and 47% of the vote under incumbent Premier Tim Houston, their best showing since 1984 under then Premier John Buchanan
NDP largely hold their own in seats and popular vote from the previous 2021 election, with most of their support coming from central Halifax or Cape Breton Island
Liberals are projected to barely retain official party status in the Legislature, with the possibility that the leader, Zack Churchill, loses his Yarmouth seat. Their popular vote was as low as recently as 2006, (in the lower 20s), their seat count at 3 would be tied at a 99-year all-time low in the election of 1925 when Premier Ernest Howard Armstrong experienced a steep loss to Conservative Edgar Nelson Rhodes. This year they are predicted to keep 2 seats in the greater Halifax area and one on Cape Breton.
For the country as a whole, it remains to be seen if this is the beginning of a trend where conservative premiers go to the polls early, in anticipation of more upheaval from both Ottawa and Washington, D.C., and are not punished for an early election call. Ontario Premier Doug Ford is likely paying particularly close attention to this result.
