Newsom to hang on in California by 10 points …

The main upside to the Newsom campaign is the prospect of being replaced by staunch conservative Los Angeles talk show host Larry Elders, which has likely contributed to a widening of the polling margin indicating that the recall effort would fail. Against a generic opposition candidate Newsom still had a very small polling margin against a recall, but as the prospect of an Elders governorship became more visible, the polls clearly started to shift.

A another advantage for Newsom comes from the fact that no plausible Democratic candidate alternative emerged on the second ballot question. (The recall effort consists of two separate questions, first, whether to recall the Governor and second, who the replacement would be. The first question must pass in order for the second one to be in play. No specified percentage is required to win on the second ballot.)

The risks for Newsom are that the opposition forces to incumbency are generally more motivated in an off year election. The constituency and support for Newsom is there, so turnout will be key. On a county-by-county level, I am projecting that Santa Barbara and Sacramento counties will be tipping point counties, that will effectively determine the end result of the recall. Two other large counties to watch will be San Diego and Ventura, which according to my model are trending slightly in favor of recall, but where Newsom can easily hang on even if they slightly back the initiative. If they trend towards Newsom instead, the recall effort will be resoundingly defeated.

As with most voting trends in California, Democratic support is expected to be concentrated towards the cost in the Los Angeles and metro-San Francisco areas, moving more inland to Sacramento. Support for the recall will likely be strongest in the interior and more northern areas of the state, with some of the larger suburban counties around Los Angeles and San Diego trending towards the recall by much narrower margins. In predicting a 10 point initiative defeat, instead of the almost 16 points that 538 projects, I am controlling for the shy conservative factor, an inherent anti-recall turnout disadvantage in an off-year election and a widespread consensus that Newsom will survive the recall, (including widespread dissemination of polling averages such as 538’s) which may further reduce anti-recall turnout.

Ultimately there may be more concerted efforts to review the recall mechanism, which has been on the California books for over a century as part of the early 20th century progressive movement. Efforts aimed at changing the mechanism, however, would have to weigh the downsides (questions such as whether the electorate’s will is being genuinely reflected if Elders should win to the Governorship by significantly fewer votes on the second question than votes to retain Newsom on the first ballot, theoretically quite possible) with the inbuilt advantages for the incumbent where he was in this case effectively able to draw a sharp contrast with a prospective replacement who many see as being less in step with mainstream opinion in the Golden State.

Recall opposition in shades of blue, recall support in shades of red

Rankin’s Liberals to cling to power with minority in Nova Scotia

Buoyed by a stable vote share in the Halifax Region, Cape Breton and the Southern Shore, Ian Rankin’s Liberal government is expected to retain power after today’s vote, despite losing support elsewhere in a race that has tightened in the past several weeks.

In particular, the ridings of Lunenburg and Lunenburg West may end up being the crucial tipping point ridings for the Liberals. These bell weather ridings have backed the plurality winner in the last 5 elections.

The Progressive Conservatives are expected to pick up 5 seats, 3 in the Fundy Region, 1 in Central Nova and one in the suburban Halifax area. They are also expected to retain the 2 seats won in byelections since the last election, one each in Fundy and suburban Halifax. It is expected that their vote share will moderately decline in Cape Breton, but with only the loss of one seat where the incumbent left their caucus. The Halifax region will see a relatively stable PC vote share with all incumbents expected to be returned.

The NDP will preserve their vote share, largely concentrated in the central Halifax/Dartmouth area in addition to one seat in Cape Breton. The fact that the NDP did not significantly expand their support in the Halifax region will be one of the main factors in the Liberals retaining a plurality.

Barring any power shift in by-elections (a recent case in point being nearby Prince Edward Island where the minority PC government picked up a seat to achieve majority status), it is anticipated that Rankin will retain power with possible NDP support and the likely prospect of a return to the polls in the next couple of years.

Overall the result is expected to be

Liberal 38.55% 27 Seats

PC 36.95% 23 Seats

NDP 21.26% 5 Seats

Green 2.35%

Other 0.89% (including the Atlantica Party and Independents)