Republicans favoured to win both Congressional special elections today in upstate New York

New York 19th Congressional District – Hudson River Valley … outgoing incumbent Antonio Delgado, D

Likely Republican pickup – Marc Molinaro around 53% over Democrat Pat Ryan, 47%

New York 23rd Congressional District – southwestern corner of state on Lake Erie … outgoing incumbent Tom Reed, R

Likely Republican hold, Joe Sempolinski, R over Max Della Pia, D, 60-40%

Ranked voting system in Alaska’s special election today adds a layer of uncertainty

The Republicans are expected to prevail in the special election today in Alaska, after the death of long time Congressman Don Young. Two Republicans, Nick Begich III (of a prominent political family) and former Governor and 2008 Vice-Presidential candidate Sarah Palin are facing Democrat Mary Sattler Peltola, Independent Al Gross also advanced from the June 11 blanket primary, but later withdrew from the race.

Voters rank candidates in order of preference, the third place candidate drops out and their support is redistributed amongst the two top vote getters. Polling gives Peltola a solid 40% plus of the vote on the Democrat side, with Begich and Palin roughly tied at around 30%, but with Begich maybe one or two points ahead, but within the margin of error.

Depending on what occurs with the Republicans, since their vote appears to be evenly split with one of them dropping off, would determine who ultimately prevails. Palin’s supporters are more inclined to stay with the Republicans, whereas Begich voters are more apt to consider the Democrat Peltola. The Alaska Survey Research poll suggests that, in two separate pollings, around 10% of Palin voters (of her total) might cross over to the Democrat, but the rest continuing to support the Republican Begich. Begich voters, who appear to pull from less populist and more establishment Republican leanings (his family has a long history of Democrat involvement in Alaska politics), might be enough to give Peltola a win (by a razor thin, within margin-of-error if so). The polling suggests up to a third of his support is more inclined to change parties.

So the key piece is which Republican moves to the second round, since Peltola’s base 40% is almost certain to place first. If it is Palin who drops out, Begich becomes the favourite. If Begich drops out, it becomes a lot less certain but in my view still likely to favour Palin, however close the final result.

Final prediction, Begich edging out Palin on the first ballot and winning by 10% over Peltola, give or take a couple percentage points, on the second round. This would to be best of my knowledge be the first of the Begich family to be an elected Republican in Alaska history.

One certainty is that the blanket, ranked choice party system is sure to initiate more interest and debate, as both pundits and academics consider the implications of ranked choice voting as it relates to both partisan intensity and partisan strength overall.

Republicans expected to win Texas 34, if not today, then before November

Incumbent Filemon Vela Jr., D, vacated the seat at the end of March to take a position at a lobbying firm. This area in Texas has been trending more Republican, and Joe Biden carried this congressional seat in the presidential vote by less than 5 points. A decade earlier, both Democratic presidential and congressional candidates routinely carried this area by a 60-40 margin, but this significantly narrowed in 2020 to a smaller 14 point win for Vela and smaller still for Biden, south Texas being one of the more noted areas in the country where Donald Trump grew his support considerably over 2016.

Mayra Flores is representing the Republicans, and Dan Sanchez the Democrats. However this is a nonpartisan blanket primary where two other candidates, Democrat Rene Coronado and Republican Juana Cantu-Cabrera are also on the ballot, raising the possibility that if no candidate wins a majority of votes, it will go to a runoff prior to the November midterms.

Regardless of a runoff or not, it is expected that Mayra Flores will pick up this currently constituted seat for the Republicans. She is also the designated November Republican nominee against Democrat Vincente Gonzalez, who currently represents the 15th congressional district. However the November race will be fought on reconstituted lines widely considered to be more favourable to Democratic chances.

In the meantime, national Democrats have largely sat out this race, while the Republicans have significantly outraised their Democratic rivals by what CNN reported was a 20 to 1 margin.

Ford to retain majority June 2nd in Ontario

Overall results anticipated to be PCs 78 and 38.15% of vote; NDP 33 and 23.89% of vote; L 12 and 26.78% of vote; Green 1 seat and 7.35% of vote, others 0 seats and 3.83% of vote

Despite winning more votes than the NDP, the Liberals end up with less seats due to the fact that they are the clear second place party in the 905, but they win no seats there

The PCs don’t bleed a lot of support to the more right-wing New Blue and Ontario parties, which are shut out of the legislature; they pick up several seats in Brampton, Essex and Oshawa, with an outside chance of gaining Niagara Centre, Hamilton East-Stoney Creek and St. Catharines, adding to the narrative of the PCs winning the blue collar, union vote.

The Liberals gain in Toronto and Kingston; retain Glengarry-Prescott-Russell due to a floor crossing, they have an outside chance of winning more seats in downtown Toronto such as Toronto Centre, Spadina-Fort York, University-Rosedale and Don Valley North; leader Steven Del Duca will ultimately fail to win Vaughan-Woodbridge, and coupled with a low showing in seats, it may cast his future leadership in doubt

The NDP are primarily on the defensive, with likely losses in Brampton, Essex, Oshawa and Toronto. The Welland Canal ridings of Niagara Centre and St. Catharines are anticipated to be closely fought, as well as a vote split in Hamilton East-Stoney Creek, although currently they are projected to retain those three ridings. Andrea Horwath, after her 4th try for the Premier’s chair, may be replaced prior to the next election expected in 2026.

The Greens are expected to retain Guelph for leader Mike Schreiner, who had a very strong performance in the leaders’ debates. Although their popular vote total is expected to trend up, it will likely not translate into any additional seats. Parry Sound-Muskoka is likely to be the next closely fought riding for the Greens, who historically do very well there, (benefiting also from the lack of a Liberal candidate on the ballot) but the riding’s long history of PC wins gives them the slight edge on holding the riding.

Originally I was going to post a picture of Niagara Falls for this narrative but the falls’ turbulence really does not symbolize an election where the vast majority of ridings are retained by their respective parties. Even if there are raging undercurrents beneath the surface, (or a lot more turbulence in Ottawa, for that matter) this election is on the surface more like a tranquil lake in cottage country on a summer’s day. While about 3 times as many races will be closely fought, only 9 ridings out of 124 are actually projected to change hands (changing hands as defined by the results of the last vote – whether a general election or by-election, as opposed to floor crossings). Premier Doug Ford has, at least according to polling, not always commanded the affections of Ontario voters, but in a post-pandemic era where residents want some semblance of normalcy, it appears that a strong plurality are ready to return the Ford PCs for a second term, perhaps grudgingly giving them a passing grade in navigating through more turbulent waters since the last election.

More turbulence forecast for Stormont in today’s Northern Ireland election

Non-sectarian parties make clear gains, SF maintains support and DUP continues decline

Sinn Fein – 28 Seats +1 from 2017

Alliance – 18 Seats +10

UUP – 16 Seats +6

SDLP – 10 Seats -2

DUP – 9 Seats -19

TUV – 4 Seats +3

Green – 2 Seats no change

People Before Profit 1 Seat, no change

Two Unionist Independents +1

Overall Totals – Republican/Nationalists 38 down 1 seat

Loyalist/Unionist – 31 … down 8 seats

Non-Sectarian – 21 … up 9 seats

  • Northern Ireland out of Canada, the UK and the US is one of the more complicated and layered jurisdictions when it comes to voting … as far as I’m concerned only historical Louisiana and current Newfoundland voting patterns show similar levels of complexity or unpredictability
  • Brexit has complicated the political calculus for Northern Ireland with the trilemma of no land or sea borders between Northern Ireland and Ireland, and the United Kingdom respectively as well as no UK participation in the European Single Market/European Union Customs Union; Northern Ireland did not vote for Brexit, predominant opposition came from Catholic and non-sectarian sections of the electorate … the soft border between Northern Ireland the and Republic of Ireland was a cornerstone of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 which is widely seen as having turned the page on the sectarian Troubles which afflicted the area in the three decades prior
  • The Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol of the Brexit Withdrawal Agreement provides for a sea border arrangement avoiding a hard land border on Ireland and allowing for Northern Ireland to remain part of the UK customs union and internal market
  • The Northern Ireland Assembly has the power after December 31, 2024 to either continue to terminate the arrangement
  • Despite the backdrop of Brexit considerations, a number of non-sectarian issues such as affordability and health care have been the mainstay of the Sinn Fein campaign, with leader Michelle O’Neill likely to emerge as the largest party in the Assembly.  (I recall the PQ in Quebec in 1976 taking a similar tactic – the campaign was on good governance, not separatism, although to be clear the PQ never had any formal relationship with the FLQ, whereas SF has been commonly associated as being the political arm of the IRA). Sinn Fein has moved in a significantly different direction since unionists and SDLP supporters voted tactically to defeat then leader Gerry Adams in Belfast West in the 1992 UK election
  • Northern Ireland leadership in a current state of suspension … strong likelihood that if O’Neil’s party does take the largest seats that unionists will not nominate a deputy leader per the terms of the Good Friday agreement, which may lead to direct rule from Westminster
  • The DUP after a leadership crisis in the past several years will likely shrink significantly, but with the UUP and TUV picking up most of the slack
  • The non-sectarian Alliance Party also slated to pick up support … overall non-sectarians will gain at the expense of unionists, possibly republicans … if they emerge as the second largest party per the terms of the party sharing agreement they could not nominate a deputy minister since they are ‘other’ as opposed to Unionist or Nationalist
  • The overall picture is one of further instability in Stormont and uncertainty with respect to Northern Ireland’s future … if the unionists end up blocking O’Neill from taking office through refusal to nominate a deputy first minister, this may further intensify the momentum towards a border poll and possible reunification … paradoxically if O’Neill does become first minister and Northern Ireland continues to government under a more or less state of devolution, that would likely disincentivize any significant push towards a border poll/unification
  • In recent years the DUP has steered more or less a course between the more moderate UUP and the more hardline TUV … their collapse may lead to a more divided unionist block with hardliners isolated, and the electorate overall ready to look more for compromise than a return to the troubles
  • *** Predictions on basis of party seat won by constituency, not an individual candidate.  Since interim replacements are usually based on co-options as opposed to by-elections, only by-election predictions are made